The ALP is beset by long-term problems that it scarcely knows how to deal with. Instead, the party focuses on 'leadership' in some bizarre form of the 'great man' theory of history. Yet, there is hardly any ideological and policy distinctions between any of the candidates for ALP leadership at federal and state levels. These leadership candidates rely on messaging, narratives, news cycles and all the other branding / PR nonsense that infected both the Rudd and Gillard leaderships, and dates back to the Carr premiership in NSW when the ALP finally abandoned ideological purpose for advertising slogans.
For starters, what is the relevance of a 'labour' party dominated by blue-collar unions (and the catholic controlled SDA) in a post-industrial world? The 'typical' union member these days is female, university-educated and works in the health, community services and education sectors. Second, the ALP branch structure has been declining (or collapsing) at a faster rate than unionisation. Third, the internal structures of the ALP are archaic and profoundly undemocratic. Efforts to reform the ALP national structure have been on-going since the 1960s or longer (Whitlam was a passionate advocate of a genuinely national, rather than federal, structure). Efforts to ensure that union affiliation to the party reflected changing patterns in the union movement also date back to the 1960s and can be found as late as the 2002 national review (by Wran and Hawke) but have been largely abandoned in the 2010 review.
Everyone knows about these problems, they are just too hard. They raise the question of whether political parties can really change their character or whether they are doomed to die and be replaced by new parties. In this context, a primary vote around 30 per cent is a a disturbing phenomenon for the ALP. Can the ALP really retain its historic links to unions (as representative organisations of the working class, whatever that might mean these days) and reach out to new social groupings, the 'tradies' (typically self-employed, or employed in micro-businesses) on the right and the inner-city green groupings on the left?
In last year's NSW election, voters deserted the ALP for the Coalition rather than head off to the Green left. Despite this the ALP has tended to see its problem as being one of winning back the green vote. This seems the only plausible reason for Gillard's decision to abandon an election promise and introduce a carbon tax (which I think is good policy but bad politics having specifically ruled it out in an election campaign just a few months previously), handing the political initiative to the Abbott-led Oppposition and ensuring that she is unelectable (what value would her 2013 election promises have?). Perhaps, Gillard will describe the carbon tax in her memoir as a politically costly decision but one worth taking in the national interest. Solace in rationalisation.
If Gillard is unelectable then should the ALP revert to Rudd? In a world where ideology and policy differences matter little, the voters must look to competence. Most of the front bench of the ALP seem to have publicly endorsed the idea that the Rudd Government was chaotic and characterised by administrative incompetence. I don't think Gillard has done much to change this public perception of incompetence (episodes like the Australia Day fiasco only serve to undercut her efforts). If it reverts to Rudd, does that mean more pink batts and exorbitant scholl dunnies? Does it mean another thousand reviews and then reviews of the reviews and lurching between policy paralysis (why did the Henry review take so long to be released?) and policy surprises (a mining tax?)
The damage has been done. They got rid of Beazley and saddled themselves with Crean and then Latham and then Beazley again and finally turned to Rudd in search of the great leader who would deliver them from the political wilderness. Rudd won a great victory and then turned out to be a bit light on when it came to policy (20/20 summits and reviews, reviews), they turned to Gillard (supposedly a great negotiator and hard-working policy wonk) who immediately blathered her way through meaningless messages to a not-quite defeat and then negotiated away everything to the cross-benches in desperation. And then the carbon tax decision and then everything else. And a primary vote that rarely rises above 30 per cent. And now some think that Rudd is the solution. With any luck he might be less bad than he was before, but its unlikely he will have changed much - and his policies will be the same as Gillard's.
It's not as though the ALP has become an ideologically right-wing party; it's more that it is a mish mash of neo-liberalism and protectionism; anti-middle class welfare on some issues but not others. Best of all - why is an atheist living in a long-term de facto relationship opposed to marriage equality? What's the messaging in that one, dude?
In NSW, we've seen it all before. Changing leaders doesn't change much because the leaders are not the principal problem; the party is the problem. The ALP's policies are not that different to the Coalition's; it just hopes that their leader (whoever it might be) will be considered less worse than Abbott by the swinging voters.
Recent Comments